“Iranian perspective on the current regional issues and its implications for Arab and U.S. Policies,” Presentation at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, October 29, 2014. (Video)
Tag: GCC
The Geopolitical Impact of Regional Powers’ Projects on the Persian Gulf
“The Geopolitical Impact of Regional Powers’ Projects on the Persian Gulf,” Presentation at the Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate, October 18, 2014.
The Solution to the Iranian Nuclear Crisis and Its Consequences for the Middle East
After a decade of failed nuclear negotiations between Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany (P5+1), they have finally fleshed out a temporary agreement that will hopefully restore trust in the peaceful character of Iran’s nuclear program among all parties. To do so, the temporary agreement must become the basis for renewed discussions on a final deal and the contours of a regional nuclear order in the Middle East. In a broader sense, the outcome of the nuclear negotiations with Iran will have a profound impact on nuclear nonproliferation, a nuclear weapons−free zone (NWFZ), and a zone free of nuclear weapons and of other weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems (WMDFZ) in the Middle East.
This article examines the consequences of the breakthrough in nuclear talks between Iran and the P5+1. A negotiated settlement will be based on the framework of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, with measures to address key demands from all parties involved. For the P5+1, this includes transparency and verification over the nature of the Iranian nuclear program, ensuring there will be no breakout. Iran’s main demand includes respecting its rights under the NPT, including enrichment and lifting sanctions, as negotiated in the November 2013 interim agreement between it and the P5+1. Furthermore, a permanent settlement on the Iranian nuclear issue will inevitably introduce modified and newly formulated measures and technical modalities at the regional level, which will enhance nonproliferation efforts. These milestones, which are described in this article, will pave the way toward strengthening the call for concerted efforts to realize a WMDFZ in the Middle East and will help preserve the global nuclear nonproliferation regime in the future.
“The Solution to the Iranian Nuclear Crisis and Its Consequences for the Middle East,” Hossein Mousavian, Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, Vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 529-544. Published by Global Governance, October 2014.
US, Arab countries can start new era of ties with Iran
“US, Arab countries can start new era of ties with Iran,” Interview with Hossein Mousavian, Trend News Agency, November 1, 2014.
Viewpoints: Experts debate strikes on Islamic State
The regional realities have set the stage for an urgent need for a new paradigm shift vis-a-vis the fight against extremism and terrorism. The US and its Arab allies’ policy of isolating Iran can no longer be sustained.
Ironically, today the most stable and secure state in the region is Iran, with the foresight and capability to proactively contribute to resolving regional crises. There is no need to assume that only in an ideal world, Iran could play a valuable role – it is already doing so and Tehran’s timely assistance to the Baghdad government was the key factor that stopped IS in its tracks.
“Viewpoints: Experts debate strikes on Islamic State,” Interview with Hossein Mousavian, BBC News, September 29, 2014.
Opinion: A Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Middle East
The Middle East is witnessing too many challenges: a return of a regional cold war, the increasing role and weight of non-state actors, the threat of failed or failing states, the reemergence of strong transnationalism through the rise of Islamism and sectarianism, the rise and consolidation of jihadist terrorism on the shores of the Mediterranean, and the revival of sub-national identities fearful of the present or of the future. All of this threatens the fabric of existing states, providing an attractive space for interference, intervention, and confrontation by proxy.
The people of the Arab world, Iran and Turkey are forever condemned to live together in this region. They need to talk to, rather than about, each other. They are facing common threats, and they each have huge potential and influence in the region and beyond. Restoring peace and stability in the Middle East will not be possible so long as individual preferences and influences are not channeled into a coordinated approach to securing the common interest.
Once established, the conference would convene at the ministerial level at regular intervals; it could convene any other time at a lower level as well. It could also entrust small committees of experts and officials with exploring solutions to certain crises or ways to contain issues, or with developing confidence-building measures for such purpose. Such committees could, perhaps, report to the general conference with policy suggestions.
The four major regional powers—Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran and Turkey—can and should take the initiative to launch such a process. This quartet, along with other countries in the region, have too many overlapping, intersecting and interdependent issues and areas of mutual interest. Such concerns can be better addressed within the framework of a conference such as we are proposing, which would give the opportunity to avoid new crises, contain existing ones, develop better understandings, and work out common approaches to problems.
Indeed, there are crises in this region that could escalate into war—and this is a region witnessing a proliferation of crises. Most of them are complex in nature, bringing together internal and external factors in a highly volatile Middle East. Even more, all sorts of links exist between these various crises.
The question that remains now is whether these four main powers will rise to this challenge and take the initiative to develop a comprehensive vision of the role of such a forum. Will they join forces with others to turn this idea into a working reality, or will they remain entangled in an increasingly fragmented Middle East?
“Opinion: A Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Middle East,” Hossein Mousavian with Nassif Hitti, Asharq Al-Awsat, June 10, 2014.
Sectarian War, the Major Threat to the Middle East
In the coming years, one of the most important security challenges for the Middle East will be the emerging sectarian and civil war in Syria spilling over into Iraq, Lebanon, Turkey and Jordan. While a peaceful resolution to the Iranian nuclear file is a must, the UN Security Council and regional countries should consider “sectarian war” the most imminent threat to the peace and security of the Middle East, with potentially disastrous consequences for the world. No country in the Middle East would be safe from the repercussions of a sectarian war. Delaying measures to mitigate the sectarian crisis facing the region will risk making its resolution impossible in the future.
“Sectarian War, the Major Threat to the Middle East,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al Awsat, August 10, 2013.
Opinion: It is time for security cooperation between the Gulf States and Iran
During his spring 2005 trip to all GCC countries, Rouhani met with the heads of GCC states separately and stressed Iran’s readiness to establish a regional cooperation system between Iran, Iraq, and the GCC. Rouhani told the GCC leaders that Iran places no limit on the level and quality of a comprehensive cooperation for peace, security, and stability in the region. Moreover, Rouhani stressed Iran’s readiness to remove all concerns the GCC might have about their large neighbor.
“Opinion: It is time for security cooperation between the Gulf States and Iran,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al-Awsat, June 28, 2013.
