Mr. Taghizadeh’s inaccurate piece in Roozonline on July 13, 2013, aims to stir controversy surrounding Dr. Mousavian’s initial arrival in the US and work at Princeton University. The piece falsely claims that Dr. Haleh Esfandiari worked with and was instrumental in bringing Dr. Mousavian to Princeton University. Mr. Taghizadeh made the mistake in confusing the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC, where Dr. Esfandiari is Director of Middle East Program, with the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University, where Dr. Mousavian is currently Associate Research Scholar. Dr. Esfandiari response to the editor of Roozonline stated that she has met Dr. Mousavian once briefly at his book launch. Moreover, Mr. Taghizadeh claims Dr. Mousavian’s work at Princeton University is funded by the Alavi Foundation. This assertion is also false, particularly since the foundation’s finances have for years been under the control of the US judicial system and any financial allocations are made public. There have been no funds from Alavi Foundation earmarked for Dr. Mousavian.
Publications
Rouhani’s Nuclear Options
[Author’s note: The views in this paper were presented prior to the Iranian presidential election at the NPT Prepcom on April 25 and publicly at Global Zero event at University of California-Irvine on May 23, 2013 respectively. This paper does not reflect in anyway the official position of the Iranian government.]
The Iranian nuclear dilemma is centered on the legitimate rights of Iran to enrichment under the NPT, and is not about building a nuclear bomb. Iran has signed onto every Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) convention, such as the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1997, the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) in 1996, and the NPT in 1970. Such conventions entail rights and obligations for all signatories. The West, however, has chosen, in contravention of international law, to carry out a coercive policy whereby Iran is pressed on obligations while its rights are denied.
“Rouhani’s Nuclear Options,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al-Awsat, July 10, 2013.
Five Options for Iran’s New President
[Author’s note: The views in this paper were presented prior to the Iranian presidential election at the NPT Prepcom on April 25 and publicly at Global Zero event at University of California-Irvine on May 23, 2013 respectively. This paper does not reflect in anyway the official position of the Iranian government.]
Nuclear negotiations lasting more than a decade between Iran and world powers have failed. The talks have been unable to reconcile the concerns voiced by the United States and other parties that Iran is developing a nuclear weapon with Iran’s insistence that its program is strictly peaceful and only intended for civilian energy production.
Publicly, the U.S. and other Western officials blame the failure of nuclear talks on Iran. The key question, however, is whether talks have failed because of the perceived Iranian intention to build a nuclear bomb, or due to the West’s unwillingness to recognize Iran’s right to enrich uranium under international safeguards. Former U.S. officials Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett, authors of Going to Tehran: Why the United States Must Come to Terms with the Islamic Republic of Iran, recently addressed this issue, which rarely is part of Iran policy debates in the United States: “Washington’s unwillingness [to recognize the rights of Iran for enrichment] is grounded in unattractive, but fundamental, aspects of American strategic culture: difficulty coming to terms with independent power centers (whether globally or in vital regions like the Middle East); hostility to non-liberal states, unless they subordinate their foreign policies to U.S. preferences (as Egypt did under Sadat and Mubarak); and an unreflective but deeply rooted sense that U.S.-backed norms, rules, and transnational decision-making processes are meant to constrain others, not America itself.”
Iran, as a sovereign state and a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), is entitled to uranium enrichment. I believe that if Washington recognized Iran’s right to enrich, a nuclear deal could be reached immediately. Without this recognition, no substantial agreement will be possible.
“Five Options for Iran’s New President,” Hossein Mousavian, Cairo Review, pgs. 68-79. Published by the Cairo Review of Global Affairs, July 2013.
Nuclear Options for Iran’s New President (Arabic)
ستكون هناك فرصة أكبر لتحقيق انفراجة دبلوماسية في الجمود بشأن البرنامج النووي الإيراني خلال الولاية الثانية للرئيس الأميركي باراك أوباما، الذي طالب القادة الإيرانيين، في خطاب حالة الاتحاد لعام 2013، بـ«الاعتراف بأن هذا هو الوقت المناسب للتوصل إلى حل دبلوماسي». وعلاوة على ذلك، يأتي فوز كبير المفاوضين النوويين الإيرانيين حسن روحاني بانتخابات الرئاسة الإيرانية الشهر الماضي ليقدم آفاقا جديدة للمفاوضات.
“Nuclear Options for Iran’s New President,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al-Awsat, July 9, 2013. (Arabic)
The Rise of the Iranian Moderates
With Rouhani’s victory, politics of Iran will shift toward the center and reduce 16 years of factionalism in the administration. Rouhani — a moderate centrist — believes the government cannot be ruled by one faction, neither Reformist nor Principalist. Instead, he advocates for the full utilization of the best and most capable public servants from both factions. Following his victory, Rouhani stated, “This victory is a victory of wisdom, a victory of moderation, a victory of growth and awareness and a victory of commitment over extremism and ill-temper.” Addressing factionalism plaguing the country, he added, “I warmly shake the hands of all moderates, Reformists and Principalists [Conservatives].”
“The Rise of the Iranian Moderates,” Hossein Mousavian, Al-Monitor, July 5, 2013.
Opinion: It is time for security cooperation between the Gulf States and Iran
During his spring 2005 trip to all GCC countries, Rouhani met with the heads of GCC states separately and stressed Iran’s readiness to establish a regional cooperation system between Iran, Iraq, and the GCC. Rouhani told the GCC leaders that Iran places no limit on the level and quality of a comprehensive cooperation for peace, security, and stability in the region. Moreover, Rouhani stressed Iran’s readiness to remove all concerns the GCC might have about their large neighbor.
“Opinion: It is time for security cooperation between the Gulf States and Iran,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al-Awsat, June 28, 2013.
How to End the Stalemate With Iran
Sooner rather than later, Iran and the United States will engage with each other. The main obstacle to a final deal is no longer its terms, but the path to reaching such an accord. Mr. Rowhani and Mr. Obama must stick to pragmatism and fend off extremism. They must combine prudence with courage and take reciprocal, rationally sequenced steps, and then follow through with hard sells at home. And most of all, they must avoid embracing the misperceptions of strength and weakness that have brought us to the brink. After decades of fruitless confrontation, both the United States and Iran need cooperation.
“How to End the Stalemate With Iran,” Hossein Mousavian & Mohammad Ali Shabani, The New York Times, June 18, 2013.
Iranian elections remain as relevant as ever
The Iranian constitution details the powers of the supreme leader and makes it clear that he plays the key role on foreign and domestic policies. However, his powers are not unlimited. There is a clear division of powers in the Iranian system of government, proper checks and balances, mitigating the influence and concentration of power into the hands of one person or institution.
“Iranian elections remain as relevant as ever,” Hossein Mousavian, Asharq Al-Awsat, June 11, 2013.
Iran’s Next President and The Third Nuclear Strategy
The Iranian presidential election is set for June 14, and the candidate selected will take office in August. The world is eager to know the new president’s nuclear policy.
The ongoing Iranian nuclear issue dates back to early 2003, when Mohamed ElBaradei, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), visited the nuclear facilities at Natanz and officially announced that Iran was among 10 nations that had attained enrichment technology and capability. After that, during the tenures of Presidents Mohammad Khatami and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran and the world embarked on two approaches to nuclear diplomacy with varying costs and benefits.
“Iran’s Next President and The Third Nuclear Strategy,” Hossein Mousavian, Al-Monitor, June 10, 2013.
Engage with Iran in Afghanistan
Despite the U.S. plan to withdraw from Afghanistan in late 2014, Washington is likely to maintain a presence of around 10,000 civilian and military personnel. The need to protect the security of those remaining forces requires the United States to engage Afghanistan’s neighbors—including Iran—during the transition.
“Engage with Iran in Afghanistan,” Hossein Mousavian, the National Interest, May 30, 2013.
